To wit, here is his peace platform, helpfully numbered by Ha'aretz columnist Bradley Burston:
1. I support two-states, one Israel and one Palestine. As far as I am concerned, I can recognize Israel's "Jewish" character and Israelis should recognize Palestine's "non-Jewish" character.
2. I oppose violence of any kind from and by anyone. I reject Hamas' participation in any Palestinian government without first agreeing to surrender all arms and to accept two-states as a "final" peace agreement. But I also reject allowing Israeli settlers to carry any weapons and believe Israelis must impose the same restrictions on them.
3. I can support some settlements remaining - given the reality of 42 years of time passing - in a dunam-for-dunam land exchange. If Ariel is 500 dunams with a lifeline from Israel, then Israel gives Palestine 500 dunams in exchange.
4. Jerusalem should be a shared city and Palestinians should have an official presence in East Jerusalem. The Old City should be shared by both permitting open access to the city to all with a joint Palestinian-Israeli police presence.
5. Palestinian refugees would give up their demand to return to pre-1948 homes and lands lost during the conflict with Israel. Instead, some could apply for family reunification through Israel and the remainder would be compensated through a fund created and maintained by the United States, Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia and the United Nations.
6. I also think Israelis should find it in their hearts to show compassion and offer their apologies to Palestinians for the conflict.
7. I support creation of a similar fund to compensate those Jews from Arab lands who lost their homes and lands, too, when they fled.
8. I think the Wall should be torn down, or relocated to the new borders. I have no problem separating the two nations for a short duration to help rebuild confidence between our two people.
9. All political parties, Palestinian and Israelis, should eliminate languages denying each other's existence, and all maps should be reprinted so that Israeli maps finally show Palestine and Palestinian maps finally show Israel.
10. A subway system should be built linking the West Bank portion of the Palestine state to the Gaza Strip portion of the Palestine State. Palestine should be permitted to build a seaport access to strengthen its industry, and an airport to permit flights and too and from the Arab and Israeli world.
11. I would urge the Arab World to renew their offer to normalize relations with Israel if Israel agrees to support the creation of a Palestinian State.
12. And I would ask both countries to establish embassies in each other's country to address other problems.
13. While non-Jewish Palestinians would continue to live in Israel as citizens, Jews who wish to live in settlements surrendered by Israel could become Palestinian citizens and they should be recognized and treated equally.
14. If Jews want to live in Hebron, they should be allowed to live in Hebron and should be protected, just as non-Jews. In fact, for every Jewish individual seeking to live in Palestine, a Palestinian should be permitted to live in Israel. In fact, major Palestinian populations in Israel could be annexed into Palestine (like settlements).
15. Another concept is to have non-Jews living in Israel continue to live there but only vote in Palestinian elections, while Jews living in Palestine would only vote in Israeli elections. A special citizenship protection committee could be created to explore how to protect the rights of minorities in each state.
16. Israel and Palestine should create joint-governing and security agencies working with the United States to monitor the peace, and establish an agency to pursue criminal acts of violence.
Do I have quibbles? I always have quibbles -- I wouldn't be a blogger if I didn't. I'd change "non-Jewish" to "Palestinian" in clause 1, I'd modify clause 6 into a more general call for apologies by both Israelis and Palestinians for respective injustices and wrongdoings that occurred over the history of the conflict,* clause 8 is slightly vague in its immediate meaning (though I think I can agree in principle), and my understanding is that the retrocession of Palestinian areas in Israel to a future Palestinian state envisioned in clause 14 is not desired by the (Arab) inhabitants of these areas (though I don't have any personal objection if the locals do give their consent).
But those pale in comparison to the vision of hope expressed in the lines. I unequivocally endorse clauses 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, and 16, and I don't think relatively minor observations I had regarding clauses 1, 6, and 8 are in conflict with the principle being expressed behind them. And clause 15, for its part, presents a genuinely novel account of citizenship and political community across borders that I think is quite exciting (so the only clause I have a genuine concern with is clause 14). In general, "exciting" is how I would describe the Hanania plan. It is one of those great steps forward, and deserves our promotion and support.
* On the platform listing on the Yalla Peace own website, there is a final clause, omitted both from Mr. Hanania's Huffington Post piece and the Ha'aretz numbered one, which reads:
Both Israel and Palestine apologize to each other and recognize the hardships and pain they each have caused to each other in this conflict.
Though this does not replace clause 6 on the platform, I think the two could effectively be merged.