Wednesday, April 25, 2018

The Supreme Court's First Rule on Racism

Though it remains unclear, many Supreme Court observers predict that the high court will uphold President Trump's Muslim Ban, in spite of the obvious evidence that the ban was motivated by illicit animus against Muslims.

The thing is, in any other context this is a very straightforward case. If Tom is up for a promotion at work, and says in his interview that if he's promoted, he will fire "all the Black people" in his department, then when Tom proceeds to start firing Black people he and his company are going to be in serious legal jeopardy even if he puts "performance-reasons" in a memo somewhere.

Likewise, this case isn't hard if the guy making the hateful comments and then acting exactly as said hateful comments predicts is a small-town Mayor (Justice Kennedy did raise this hypothetical). If Smallsville, Anystate tried to pull a stunt like this -- announce a "complete ban on hiring Blacks," then implement a policy that the town won't hire anyone from a list of neighborhoods that happen to be overwhelmingly Black -- again, this would be a dunker.

So why is this case hard? The answer is: Because the guy who made the comments is the President of the United States.

But let's be clear about the reason that makes this case hard. It's not because the President should get some special solicitude under the Constitution. If anything, the Supreme Court's jurisprudence around race, ethnicity, and religion suggests that the Court should be applying the most rigorous scrutiny possible in cases like this.

No, the reason that it's "hard" is because a ruling that the President had engaged in unlawful discrimination means conceding that overt, intentional discrimination is present at the highest level of American government. It means saying, in a very real sense, that America is racist -- or at least, we were fine electing a racist. And I think this Supreme Court wants to resist that conclusion with all of its might.

In the gay marriage context, one the arguments conservative jurists made as to why gay marriage bans couldn't be motivated by unlawful animus was the fact that many people supported them -- and how outrageous, how rude, to accuse them all of being bigots! Animus, in this view, was by definition something uncommon. Hence, if a challenged law had widespread support and wasn't limited to a stray set of outcasts or an idiosyncratic township, it couldn't be unconstitutional.

When it comes to racism, the same rules apply. Conservatives may be willing to concede it exists in some nowhere county or scattered across a few corporate malcontents. But the core rule about racism in America is that it is aberrant. It is rare.* It is not who we are. And so any ruling or doctrine which interferes with that conclusion -- that racism has been isolated to a few obscure corners of America -- has got to go.

In a sense, this is what prompted the Supreme Court's doctrinal push towards making motivation the be-all-end-all of what counts as legal racism in America. If you make it so that the only way to prove racism is basically someone admitting "I am doing this because of race/ethnicity/religion" -- I mean, who is going to be dumb enough to do that (other than some podunk mayor or sheriff or other rando)? Well, guess what -- someone just called their bluff, because now the answer is the President of the United States of America. And I don't think the Court cares about the doctrinal niceties as much as they care about the underlying principle that Racism. Is. Rare. Hence, we're going to get some pretzel-logic about why words clearly establishing motive don't count in a doctrinal world where motive is supposedly all that counts.

So that's my prediction: The Supreme Court will uphold the travel ban, with language about how it is unreasonable or unfair or goes too far to ascribe animus to the order based solely on the fact that the President clearly and unambiguously communicated that animus was the reason for his decision.

And I'll make a further prediction: 15 years after the ruling, it will stop being cited. 30 years after the ruling, it will become part of the anti-canon. 45 years after the ruling, it will be beyond obvious that it was an embarrassment, but fortunately, the sort of embarrassment we as a nation have thankfully outgrown.

And 60 years after the ruling, we'll do it again -- or something very much like it.

* The exception is alleged racism against White people. In that case, they are entirely willing to adopt expansive interpretations of the Fourteenth Amendment and civil rights laws to capture wide swaths of public activity.

Monday, April 23, 2018

Term Limited Roundup

My last class meeting is on Wednesday. After that (and grading finals), I'm free of teaching obligations for the next two (two!) years. All I have to do in that time is write a dissertation. Should be easy-peasy!

* * *

I've been meaning to share this outstanding essay by C. Thi Nguyen on "echo chambers", and how we discount information from "the other side", for some time now. It's really, really good.

Several Labour MPs, including Luciana Berger, give heart-wrenching descriptions of the antisemitism they continue to face in British society. J.K. Rowling comes in with an assist (though the article doesn't link to her best moment).

Great conversation in Slate by several Black writers about being Black in White spaces in America. Starbucks, Waffle Houses, golf courses .....

J Street is the future of Democratic Party pro-Israel work. How do I know? Because on the one hand, Ben Cardin was welcome there, despite being a high-profile opponent of the Iran Deal and a backer of the Israel Anti-Boycott Act. And on the other hand, Ben Cardin's message at J Street was basically in line with the broader progressive Zionist camp. Those who want to keep excluding J Street from the pro-Israel camp do so at their own peril.

The L.A. Times has an interesting piece on Latinos joining the Border Patrol (note: Border Patrol and ICE are distinct agencies). The Border Patrol either is now or soon will be majority Latino in personnel.

You know you're spending too much time following American antisemitism when a new story breaks about an antisemitic professor at Knox College and you're like "I bet I know who!" (my guess was "the guy who said that Michael Twitty wants 'to be everything but [his] African sel[f]' because Twitty is a Black Jew". I guessed right).

Sarah Jones interviews Michael Kimmel on deradicalization and reintegration of former White Supremacists. Also apropos: San Francisco anti-racism trainings that are for White Men only. Good example of "owning your shit" and not demanding that POCs serve as educators, or bad example of White Fragility and refusal to tolerate discomfort? You decide.

Are the Koch-brothers (the famous right-libertarian billionaires pumping money into academia and think tanks) spearheading a new insertion of paleo-con anti-Israel ideology back into the political right?

Two interesting pieces on Mizrahi Jews and the ongoing failure to fully grapple with their differentiated history vis-a-vis European/Ashkenazi Jews. The first centers on the documentary series "The Ancestral Sin", regarding how Mizrahi Jews were systematically marginalized by bigoted (largely secular) bureaucrats in Israel's early days. The second is a call for Mizrahi Jews to be given an equal seat at the table in Jewish conversations today.

Don't Take My Word For It: Listen To Natalie Portman

I have a new column in Haaretz on Natalie Portman's refusal to share a platform with Bibi Netanyahu at the Genesis Prize ceremony, while simultaneously disavowing support for BDS.

The radical, cutting, never-before-heard thesis is that "We should listen to Natalie Portman when she says that her refusal to share a platform with Bibi Netanyahu does not mean she supports BDS."

If that doesn't seem all that radical to you, you perhaps haven't encountered men on the internet when a woman expresses an opinion. Because it seems like everyone -- pro- and anti-BDS alike -- is racing to tell (Harvard-educated, deeply invested in Israel) Natalie Portman that she actually doesn't understand the content of her own political position.