Part of the frustration with yesterday's blogger outage was that I was actually planning on posting real stuff (honestly!). Now, I just have to clear the browser again.
* * *
CUFI and J Street: More in common than you might think?
These ads are humiliating as a Democrat and as a Jew. Demon sheep, anyone?
I admit a perverse curiosity in knowing just what type of porn Osama was into.
I'm really stunned that any legislator could vote to shackle female inmates while they are giving birth. It's one of those policies I know exist, but that I always imagined was just bureaucracy gone wild.
Prominent racist saxophonist Gilad Atzmon attempted to hold a fundraiser for a Gaza flotilla, but it appeared to have flopped dramatically.
The National Review turns on Mitt Romney.
Friday, May 13, 2011
Blogger Outage
FYI, there was a blogger outage yesterday, which kept me offline and apparently has (temporarily, I hope) removed a few of my posts. One of them has since returned, but there is at least one still missing -- hopefully to be back soon!
Wednesday, May 11, 2011
Social Conservatisms
Ta-Nehisi Coates observes that, for all the controversy over Common coming to the White House, hip-hop actually has pretty strong socially conservative roots. Of course, TNC isn't the only one who has observed this. But it did register something interesting: social conservatives don't like social conservatism -- when it's done by other people. Their social conservatism is good and salutary. Other people's social conservatism is reactionary and barbaric.
I might have first noticed this during "Islamo-fascism Awareness week", "that magical time of year when Republicans briefly pretend to care about gay rights." Iranian social conservatives want to stone homosexuals, while their American peers merely went wild over abolishing lengthy prison terms for them. And remember all the hell Dinesh D'Souza took when he forthrightly noted that part of the reason reactionary Islamic movements hate us is for our, well, freedoms? Yeah, that went over well.
I might have first noticed this during "Islamo-fascism Awareness week", "that magical time of year when Republicans briefly pretend to care about gay rights." Iranian social conservatives want to stone homosexuals, while their American peers merely went wild over abolishing lengthy prison terms for them. And remember all the hell Dinesh D'Souza took when he forthrightly noted that part of the reason reactionary Islamic movements hate us is for our, well, freedoms? Yeah, that went over well.
The Glass Ear
David Hirsch is here responding to the University of Johannesburg's Peter Alexander's defense of his institution boycotting an Israeli peer university, but the message he sends has a far broader resonance than that:
No more comment needed.
I raised the issue of antisemitism in my argument against the boycott. I think Israel is singled out, for no politically or morally relevant reason, for punishment. I think that the history of antisemitism in Europe and now in the Middle East is such that singling out Jews arbitrarily for punishment is a dangerous thing to do. To go easy on our criticism of the antisemitism of some of Israel’s deadly enemies is also dangerous. There is an increasing body of evidence that the boycott movement brings with it a disproportional hostility to those who oppose it, many of whom are Jews. Jews are challenged to criticize Zionism in the terms set out by their accusers on pain of being denounced as racist and as pro-apartheid. The issue of antisemitism has been raised by the OSCE, by the US state department, by the South African Human Rights Council and by a UK Parliamentary committee.
Peter Alexander simply says that the issue is raised in bad faith, in a dishonest last-ditch attempt to win a losing argument. He refuses to take the issue seriously. He refuses to respond. A fellow sociologist raises the issue with Peter and he looks stonily on and says: you are only pretending to be concerned, and really you do it for selfish and secret reasons. Instead of examining the antizionist social movements in which antisemitism is alleged to appear, he looks within himself, and finds himself not guilty. But as a sociologist he should understand that racism is an external and objective phenomenon, not a subjective feeling inside his own soul.
Peter makes much of ‘the call’ by ‘the oppressed’. But when Jews raise the issue of antisemitism he listens with a glass ear.
No more comment needed.
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
The System Works
Now that the CUNY-Tony Kushner flap appears to have wrapped itself up, let's reflect for a moment. Because -- correct me if I'm wrong -- as far as I'm concerned, the system worked.
How can I say that? Isn't the very fact that Kushner was originally rejected for the degree proof of some sort of failing?
Well, yes, obviously. But the whole point of having a system in place regarding academic freedom is to have failsafes and redundancy. A working system of academic freedom is not one in which nobody ever screws up. A working system is when those screw ups are rectified by other actors in the process, protecting the freedom of persons to make statements or hold positions others find distasteful.
So let's go to the timeline here:
1) CUNY faculty votes to award Tony Kushner an honorary degree.
2) A CUNY trustee delivers a speech mischaracterizing Kushner's views on Israel.* This persuades a minority of trustees to vote to block Kushner's award.
3) Everyone flips out. The New York Times, J Street, Ed Koch, Jeffrey Goldberg ... people who like Kushner, and people who find his views on Israel deeply wrong. Everyone.
4) CUNY reverses its decision and decides to grant the honorary degree.
5) Kushner indicates he'll accept the award.
As far as I'm concerned, that transition from #2 to #3? That's kind of what we want to happen, no? I mean, yes, obviously, it'd be better if Jeffrey Wiesenfeld wasn't a dick in the first place. But the next best thing is the part where the entire social community unites across their partisan divides and says "wrong, bucko." And then the board immediately reverses itself. Hurray! The great failures of academic freedom aren't cases like this -- they're the ones where the suppression happens, and the world collectively shrugs.
A culture of open inquiry and academic freedom isn't one where nobody ever tries to stifle opinions they dislike (anymore than it is one in which nobody promotes an idiotic idea). A culture of academic freedom is one in which, when those missteps happen, the broader community acts quickly and decisively in defense of the enterprise. That, by all appearances, is what happened here. And in that, it was a great success.
* Kushner has said that Israel's founding involved ethnic cleansing, and has expressed grave misgivings about Israel's founding in the first place. He has not supported a campaign of boycott against the state. Obviously, I disagree, strongly, with anyone who thinks Israel shouldn't have been founded. The ethnic cleansing claim is a factual question towards which I am unqualified to opine. The historian Kushner relies on, Benny Morris, argues that some cleansing occurs but that it was not official policy -- it was an ad hoc decision by individual commanders on the ground.
How can I say that? Isn't the very fact that Kushner was originally rejected for the degree proof of some sort of failing?
Well, yes, obviously. But the whole point of having a system in place regarding academic freedom is to have failsafes and redundancy. A working system of academic freedom is not one in which nobody ever screws up. A working system is when those screw ups are rectified by other actors in the process, protecting the freedom of persons to make statements or hold positions others find distasteful.
So let's go to the timeline here:
1) CUNY faculty votes to award Tony Kushner an honorary degree.
2) A CUNY trustee delivers a speech mischaracterizing Kushner's views on Israel.* This persuades a minority of trustees to vote to block Kushner's award.
3) Everyone flips out. The New York Times, J Street, Ed Koch, Jeffrey Goldberg ... people who like Kushner, and people who find his views on Israel deeply wrong. Everyone.
4) CUNY reverses its decision and decides to grant the honorary degree.
5) Kushner indicates he'll accept the award.
As far as I'm concerned, that transition from #2 to #3? That's kind of what we want to happen, no? I mean, yes, obviously, it'd be better if Jeffrey Wiesenfeld wasn't a dick in the first place. But the next best thing is the part where the entire social community unites across their partisan divides and says "wrong, bucko." And then the board immediately reverses itself. Hurray! The great failures of academic freedom aren't cases like this -- they're the ones where the suppression happens, and the world collectively shrugs.
A culture of open inquiry and academic freedom isn't one where nobody ever tries to stifle opinions they dislike (anymore than it is one in which nobody promotes an idiotic idea). A culture of academic freedom is one in which, when those missteps happen, the broader community acts quickly and decisively in defense of the enterprise. That, by all appearances, is what happened here. And in that, it was a great success.
* Kushner has said that Israel's founding involved ethnic cleansing, and has expressed grave misgivings about Israel's founding in the first place. He has not supported a campaign of boycott against the state. Obviously, I disagree, strongly, with anyone who thinks Israel shouldn't have been founded. The ethnic cleansing claim is a factual question towards which I am unqualified to opine. The historian Kushner relies on, Benny Morris, argues that some cleansing occurs but that it was not official policy -- it was an ad hoc decision by individual commanders on the ground.
Post-Nap Roundup
It was such a wonderful day outside. I have no idea why I came back to my apartment and collapsed into an 1.5 hour nap.
* * *
Uganda's "kill the gays" bill is back, albeit it sounds like the execution part itself has been removed.
Adam Serwer comments on the President inviting Common to the White House.
In the burgeoning intra-Iran feud between Ayatollah Khameni and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Geneive Abdo explains why we should root for Khamenei. Recognizing the force of her arguments, nonetheless, I myself am rooting for injuries.
Anti-Shariah laws -- bad for religious liberty, hence, bad for the Jews.
Robert Farley on Chomsky the IR theorist.
Do my homework with me! Read Martha Nussbaum's critique of Judith Butler.
* * *
Uganda's "kill the gays" bill is back, albeit it sounds like the execution part itself has been removed.
Adam Serwer comments on the President inviting Common to the White House.
In the burgeoning intra-Iran feud between Ayatollah Khameni and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Geneive Abdo explains why we should root for Khamenei. Recognizing the force of her arguments, nonetheless, I myself am rooting for injuries.
Anti-Shariah laws -- bad for religious liberty, hence, bad for the Jews.
Robert Farley on Chomsky the IR theorist.
Do my homework with me! Read Martha Nussbaum's critique of Judith Butler.
Monday, May 09, 2011
Rick Santorum Comes Out Against Pre-School
Former Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum (R) thinks pre-school education is basically fascism in another garb (via):
I know what he means. Pre-school was all about getting you to stand in orderly lines and march inside whendear leader teacher tells you to. There's all this emphasis on sharing and respecting differences and not resolving conflicts by punching people in the face. Basically, it's a Islamo-fascist-Marxist-liberal-leftist-Obamacare nightmare come true.
Rick Santorum, a possible candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, even raised the specter of Benito Mussolini’s Fascist Italy in a speech here Friday night while explaining why his grandfather emigrated to the U.S. His uncle, he said, “used to get up in a brown shirt and march and be told how to be a good little fascist.”
“I don’t know, maybe they called it early pre-K or something like that, that the government sponsored to get your children in there so they can indoctrinate them,” Santorum said.
I know what he means. Pre-school was all about getting you to stand in orderly lines and march inside when
Human Rights as Moral Rights
Ori Herstein on the unreflective human rights community:
I think this is amplified by my feeling that "international law" in this field is particularly amorphous and malleable, and is this particularly vulnerable to being bent to fit the moral priors of the opinion leaders who determine what international human rights law is. Substantive moral commitments can and are easily snuck into black letter doctrine as the way things always were, and then their presence as legal rules in turn buttresses their status as clear moral obligations.
As we were all taught, human rights law aspires to capture basic moral rights. Yet, somehow the aspirational component of human rights law is lost on many of the more zealous and unreflective members of the human rights community, for many of which the positivistic lawyerly labor of stringing together the variety of hard, soft, and ephemeral sources of international law functions as a form of moral as well as legal reasoning. For the unreflective human rights lawyer your position is morally wrong because it is legally wrong. Figuring out what the law is is not the beginning of the conversation – as is usually the case for legal academics – but rather the end of the conversation.
And this is where things turn from frustrating to worrying. In the minds of some, human rights law does not merely aspire to reflect morality but actually does – by definition –reflect morality, thereby making human rights law insular and immune to external moral critique. Some human rights lawyers appear to have appropriated not only certain legislative powers over international law, but by extension also view themselves as legislators of morality itself. And, anyone who dares argue against or question the supposed presumed state of human rights law is categorically an enemy of moral rights. Because after all, human rights are moral rights. Aren’t they?
I think this is amplified by my feeling that "international law" in this field is particularly amorphous and malleable, and is this particularly vulnerable to being bent to fit the moral priors of the opinion leaders who determine what international human rights law is. Substantive moral commitments can and are easily snuck into black letter doctrine as the way things always were, and then their presence as legal rules in turn buttresses their status as clear moral obligations.
Sunday, May 08, 2011
One Camp, Two Camps, Three Camps, Four Camps
Two events, nearly back to back, have recently gotten me to thinking about the fissures, real and imagined, within the Jewish community regarding Israel. The first is CUNY's nixing of an honorary degree to playwright Tony Kushner, based on his views regarding Israel (that decision may be reversed). The instigating trustee accused the Palestinians of being "not human", and his accusations regarding Kushner were of dubious accuracy (and defended by the bizarre logic that Norman Finkelstein affirmed them -- apparently Finkelstein is the epitome of a credible source now?). Needless to say, Kushner and I do not see eye-to-eye on Israel -- not even close (it's also needless to say that Kushner was being honored for accomplishments utterly unrelated to his views on Israel) -- but the actions of CUNY were cowardly, misrepresentative, and not in keeping with the spirit of academic freedom.
The second is a benefit concert headlined by Gilad Atzmon to support another Gaza flotilla. Atzmon is someone who has described himself as a "self-hating Jew", among various other outrageously racist comments (the list is literally too long to recount and manages to run past virtually every anti-Semitic theme of the past century, from blaming Jews for the Holocaust to accusing them of schemes of world domination to asserting that Judaism is an inherently "supremacist" ideology). It isn't clear whether the flotilla organizers have officially sanctioned the concert (being hosted by a Methodist Church, incidentally); needless to say, accepting a check from Gilad Atzmon should be seen as accepting one from David Duke (who has praised Atzmon in the past).
What connects these two events in my mind is not that they represent the battlelines of the "debate" in the Jewish community over Israel, but rather the fact that they don't. Most Jews, regardless of political predilection, recognize Atzmon for the despicable thug that he is. And with the CUNY controversy, it has been noteworthy to watch Jews of all different political orientations lambaste the decision. It ain't just, or even primarily, folks known as particularly left-wing -- Ed Koch was way out in front on this, and Jeffrey Goldberg was quick to offer his condemnation as well.
Until very recently, there have been three major "camps" of American Jewish thought with respect to Israel. There is a hard left that never really liked Israel much to begin with, finds Jewish particularism embarrassing (if not immoral), is perpetually playing footsie with various anti-Semitic ideologies and social movements to prove that they're "Good Jews", and would rather see Israel go away or absorbed into its neighbors. There is a hard right that is suffused in anti-Arab racism, never saw the Palestinians as truly human, doesn't really care about liberal or democratic values, and is content to live out a biblical/nationalist (take your pick) fantasy whereby a Jewish state permanently occupies all the land "from the river to the sea", with its Palestinian inhabitants either driven out or permanently disenfranchised (it also seems to be in a constant state of furious disbelief that Jews don't vote Republican). Both of these two perspectives have been relatively marginal compared to the third camp -- the one in which most American Jews reside, and most American Jewish institutions reside. These Jews think Israel was and is a good idea, think it is perfectly appropriate that Jews have a national homeland to call their own, and also think that a two-state solution with an Israel and a Palestine living side-by-side is a critical part of that dream. Like Jews themselves, this camp is left-of-center.
The much discussed crack-up within the Jewish community should, by all rights, be described as being internal to this third camp. All the major participants -- from Peter Beinart and J Street, to the AJC and AIPAC, do agree on the broad sweeps I've laid out as crucial to it. All support Israel as a Jewish, democratic state. All support a two-state solution. AIPAC does not prefer an endless occupation, and J Street does not desire an Israel demolished at the feet of Hezbollah. What they do have is a difference in emphasis. And arguably, what we are seeing is a shift from from three camps into four, with the original "third camp" dividing with respect to how aggressively the US and the Jewish community should force Israel's hand with respect to things like settlement policy.
But the first two camps -- the hard right and the hard left -- have smelled an opportunity. They both have a vested interest in portraying the playing field as consisting, not of four camps, but of two. Either you're a member of ZOA, or you support BDS. Obviously, amongst the broad middle band of Jews, there are those who lean left and those who lean right, and each side calculates that -- by playing on the revulsion many feel towards National Union or JVP, they can win new converts. After all, if the only way to support Israel is to be a far-right nationalist, then people who find that doctrine appalling may see no other choice but to join hands with the far left. And vice versa -- if the whole space of (sometimes) critics of Israel is owned wholesale by IJAN, then people who find those activists to be supremely deluded may think themselves homeless except for their hard right peers.
This is a problem. Ameinu and the AJC might have their differences, but there is no reason -- none -- why an Ameinu supporter should think of themselves as closer to the JVP than to the AJC, and no reason why an AJCer should think of themselves as closer to the ZOA than to Ameinu. The difference within the (former) third camp are ones of strategy and of focus, the differences between us and the first and second are ones of ideology and principle.
I am a progressive who supports Israel. I will not cede the "supporting Israel" to Mort Klein, and I will not cede the "progressive" to Naomi Klein. From my vantage point, this is not a particularly difficult ground to hold, but for the loathsome groups on the far-right and far-left who are doing their best to convince everyone it doesn't exist.
It does exist. It exists in TULIP and Engage, Ameinu, and OneVoice. It exists in people like Hussein Ibish, and Peter Beinart, and Jon Chait, and Jeffrey Goldberg, and Harry's Place. These people and groups don't agree on everything, and I don't agree with them on everything. They've been wrong (and I'm sure I've been wrong). But they are part of a center that is still holding, and still has to hold. Because, as painful as the recent divides have been -- and they have been -- a world in which there is conflict amongst persons committed to a just, peaceful solution to the conflict placing a secure, Jewish, democratic Israel, next to a secure, independent, nation of Palestinians, is infinitely preferable to one in which our only choices are between warring camps of racists who differ only in who they wish to see dominating.
The second is a benefit concert headlined by Gilad Atzmon to support another Gaza flotilla. Atzmon is someone who has described himself as a "self-hating Jew", among various other outrageously racist comments (the list is literally too long to recount and manages to run past virtually every anti-Semitic theme of the past century, from blaming Jews for the Holocaust to accusing them of schemes of world domination to asserting that Judaism is an inherently "supremacist" ideology). It isn't clear whether the flotilla organizers have officially sanctioned the concert (being hosted by a Methodist Church, incidentally); needless to say, accepting a check from Gilad Atzmon should be seen as accepting one from David Duke (who has praised Atzmon in the past).
What connects these two events in my mind is not that they represent the battlelines of the "debate" in the Jewish community over Israel, but rather the fact that they don't. Most Jews, regardless of political predilection, recognize Atzmon for the despicable thug that he is. And with the CUNY controversy, it has been noteworthy to watch Jews of all different political orientations lambaste the decision. It ain't just, or even primarily, folks known as particularly left-wing -- Ed Koch was way out in front on this, and Jeffrey Goldberg was quick to offer his condemnation as well.
Until very recently, there have been three major "camps" of American Jewish thought with respect to Israel. There is a hard left that never really liked Israel much to begin with, finds Jewish particularism embarrassing (if not immoral), is perpetually playing footsie with various anti-Semitic ideologies and social movements to prove that they're "Good Jews", and would rather see Israel go away or absorbed into its neighbors. There is a hard right that is suffused in anti-Arab racism, never saw the Palestinians as truly human, doesn't really care about liberal or democratic values, and is content to live out a biblical/nationalist (take your pick) fantasy whereby a Jewish state permanently occupies all the land "from the river to the sea", with its Palestinian inhabitants either driven out or permanently disenfranchised (it also seems to be in a constant state of furious disbelief that Jews don't vote Republican). Both of these two perspectives have been relatively marginal compared to the third camp -- the one in which most American Jews reside, and most American Jewish institutions reside. These Jews think Israel was and is a good idea, think it is perfectly appropriate that Jews have a national homeland to call their own, and also think that a two-state solution with an Israel and a Palestine living side-by-side is a critical part of that dream. Like Jews themselves, this camp is left-of-center.
The much discussed crack-up within the Jewish community should, by all rights, be described as being internal to this third camp. All the major participants -- from Peter Beinart and J Street, to the AJC and AIPAC, do agree on the broad sweeps I've laid out as crucial to it. All support Israel as a Jewish, democratic state. All support a two-state solution. AIPAC does not prefer an endless occupation, and J Street does not desire an Israel demolished at the feet of Hezbollah. What they do have is a difference in emphasis. And arguably, what we are seeing is a shift from from three camps into four, with the original "third camp" dividing with respect to how aggressively the US and the Jewish community should force Israel's hand with respect to things like settlement policy.
But the first two camps -- the hard right and the hard left -- have smelled an opportunity. They both have a vested interest in portraying the playing field as consisting, not of four camps, but of two. Either you're a member of ZOA, or you support BDS. Obviously, amongst the broad middle band of Jews, there are those who lean left and those who lean right, and each side calculates that -- by playing on the revulsion many feel towards National Union or JVP, they can win new converts. After all, if the only way to support Israel is to be a far-right nationalist, then people who find that doctrine appalling may see no other choice but to join hands with the far left. And vice versa -- if the whole space of (sometimes) critics of Israel is owned wholesale by IJAN, then people who find those activists to be supremely deluded may think themselves homeless except for their hard right peers.
This is a problem. Ameinu and the AJC might have their differences, but there is no reason -- none -- why an Ameinu supporter should think of themselves as closer to the JVP than to the AJC, and no reason why an AJCer should think of themselves as closer to the ZOA than to Ameinu. The difference within the (former) third camp are ones of strategy and of focus, the differences between us and the first and second are ones of ideology and principle.
I am a progressive who supports Israel. I will not cede the "supporting Israel" to Mort Klein, and I will not cede the "progressive" to Naomi Klein. From my vantage point, this is not a particularly difficult ground to hold, but for the loathsome groups on the far-right and far-left who are doing their best to convince everyone it doesn't exist.
It does exist. It exists in TULIP and Engage, Ameinu, and OneVoice. It exists in people like Hussein Ibish, and Peter Beinart, and Jon Chait, and Jeffrey Goldberg, and Harry's Place. These people and groups don't agree on everything, and I don't agree with them on everything. They've been wrong (and I'm sure I've been wrong). But they are part of a center that is still holding, and still has to hold. Because, as painful as the recent divides have been -- and they have been -- a world in which there is conflict amongst persons committed to a just, peaceful solution to the conflict placing a secure, Jewish, democratic Israel, next to a secure, independent, nation of Palestinians, is infinitely preferable to one in which our only choices are between warring camps of racists who differ only in who they wish to see dominating.
Saturday, May 07, 2011
This Has Been Another Edition of Christians Lecturing Jews on Jewish History
Methodist Church (UK) edition!
Wow. Okay, first, there were definitely non-European Jews (particularly in North Africa) for whom the Holocaust is most certainly part of, er, "their family history." Second, it is well-established that Nazi anti-Semitic ideology was deliberately exported to the Arab world, including to Palestinian leaders in mandatory Palestine, and that, too, had a real effect on the lives of the Jews living there (and continues to do so). Third, even to the extent the message was "there but for the grace of God go I", Jews who reside in locations Hitler did not manage to conquer (America, the Middle East) are perfectly within their rights -- and perfectly reasonable -- to recognize the vulnerability of their situation and the applicability of the Holocaust to their own family history. Empathy with one's cohorts who were massacred, paired with a recognition that it is more or less a historical accident we weren't included, is not a sign of psychopathy.
Church groups in the UK need to work against a backdrop where they couldn't care less about actual Jewish experience, and wish to persistently deny Jewish communal autonomy to identify their own life story -- even their own "family history". Church groups in the UK need to work against a backdrop where they observe Jewish communal practice and identification that clashes with their ideological priors and proceed to feverishly deny its relevance. Church groups in the UK need to work against a backdrop where their first, second, and last instinct seems to be that what Jews say about themselves ought have precisely zero impact on how church groups view the Jews. The only Jews who matter are the one's who promote alternate stories that better cohere with what the church groups already want to hear. Why, exactly, should I bother listening to the perspective of those so fundamentally disrespectful of me?
Anti-Semitism in Europe, culminating in the Holocaust, is another factor that cannot be overlooked if Christians are to understand Jewish perspectives on the land of Israel. ‘Israel is the only real answer to the Holocaust’ is the message given at Yad Vashem, the Holocaust Memorial Centre in west Jerusalem. Its location (on Mount Herzl, a hill which is home both to the tomb of the founding father of the Zionist Movement and the central military cemetery for members of the Israeli Defence Force) and its symbolic layout undergirds this message. A pilgrimage through the exhibition rooms of the Centre, which bring home both the horror of the Holocaust and the vigour of Jewish resistance, brings you out in the open air, overlooking the beauty of Jerusalem. This perspective is transmitted to young Israelis through visits to Yad Vashem organised by schools and other groups. When I visited the Centre with a group from Britain, I noticed that many visitors were not of European Jewish descent. As Michael Ipgrave, then Secretary of the Churches’ Commission for Inter Faith Relations, wrote in his report of the visit: ‘The Holocaust has come to serve as a national story embracing also Oriental Jews for whom this was not part of their family history.’ Peace groups in Israel have to work against this backdrop.
Wow. Okay, first, there were definitely non-European Jews (particularly in North Africa) for whom the Holocaust is most certainly part of, er, "their family history." Second, it is well-established that Nazi anti-Semitic ideology was deliberately exported to the Arab world, including to Palestinian leaders in mandatory Palestine, and that, too, had a real effect on the lives of the Jews living there (and continues to do so). Third, even to the extent the message was "there but for the grace of God go I", Jews who reside in locations Hitler did not manage to conquer (America, the Middle East) are perfectly within their rights -- and perfectly reasonable -- to recognize the vulnerability of their situation and the applicability of the Holocaust to their own family history. Empathy with one's cohorts who were massacred, paired with a recognition that it is more or less a historical accident we weren't included, is not a sign of psychopathy.
Church groups in the UK need to work against a backdrop where they couldn't care less about actual Jewish experience, and wish to persistently deny Jewish communal autonomy to identify their own life story -- even their own "family history". Church groups in the UK need to work against a backdrop where they observe Jewish communal practice and identification that clashes with their ideological priors and proceed to feverishly deny its relevance. Church groups in the UK need to work against a backdrop where their first, second, and last instinct seems to be that what Jews say about themselves ought have precisely zero impact on how church groups view the Jews. The only Jews who matter are the one's who promote alternate stories that better cohere with what the church groups already want to hear. Why, exactly, should I bother listening to the perspective of those so fundamentally disrespectful of me?
Labels:
anti-semitism,
Christians,
holocaust,
Israel,
United Kingdom
Friday, May 06, 2011
I Dream of Djinnis
Something is going on in Iran, where President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is feuding with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The spate started when Ahmadinejad attempted to fire his intelligence chief -- a move vetoed by the supreme leader -- and now the Ayatollah is telling Ahmadinejad to reinstate the chief or resign. Meanwhile, several Ahmadinejad allies have been arrested on accusations of sorcery and invoking Djinns (call me an Ahmadinejad apologist, but I'm guessing the charges are trumped up).
Lest anyone get too excited, this appears to be a right vs. right war: President Ahmadinejad hsa been pushing Iran into a considerably more "pure" nationalist direction and has been attempting to arrogate state security power in his own hands; the clerical leadership wants to maintain the theocratic bent of the state and, of course, is less than thrilled to see Ahmadinejad trying to get out from under their thumb. The (relatively) progressive Green Movement is not part of the feud, and if the government does collapse, it will likely be barred from running in any elections.
Lest anyone get too excited, this appears to be a right vs. right war: President Ahmadinejad hsa been pushing Iran into a considerably more "pure" nationalist direction and has been attempting to arrogate state security power in his own hands; the clerical leadership wants to maintain the theocratic bent of the state and, of course, is less than thrilled to see Ahmadinejad trying to get out from under their thumb. The (relatively) progressive Green Movement is not part of the feud, and if the government does collapse, it will likely be barred from running in any elections.
Thursday, May 05, 2011
...Non-Jews Want To Be Us
Hebrew names dominate the top 10 (at least for baby boys -- but they get two in the female top 10 as well).
Is the BDS Threat Overblown?
The Forward conducted an investigation of North American campus-based BDS programs and highly implies the answer is "yes". The magazine found a grand total of seventeen BDS incidents on fourteen North American campuses since 2005 (when the BDS campaign began). Of these, none resulted in any actual divestment -- some were defeated outright, some were nonbinding resolutions, and some were modified so as to not specifically target Israel (instead generically targeting corporations which profit off of international law violations). Fourteen campuses is of course a drop in the American higher educational bucket, and the Forward indicates that BDS has had marked trouble getting off the ground in this country.
Of course, both supporters and opponents of BDS have an incentive to overstate its relevance. Supporters because it's hard to maintain a movement that has been primarily characterized by failure after failure (as Divest This loves to point out), and opponents because it gives them a foil against which to mobilize. I think BDS is threatening enough that we need to be vigilant against it, but I think casting it -- at least in the US -- as the crest of a wave of anti-Israel sentiment is descriptively inaccurate.
Of course, both supporters and opponents of BDS have an incentive to overstate its relevance. Supporters because it's hard to maintain a movement that has been primarily characterized by failure after failure (as Divest This loves to point out), and opponents because it gives them a foil against which to mobilize. I think BDS is threatening enough that we need to be vigilant against it, but I think casting it -- at least in the US -- as the crest of a wave of anti-Israel sentiment is descriptively inaccurate.
Sleepyhead Roundup
I have not been getting enough sleep lately. Today, I woke up early to attend a talk with Jack Balkin, whom I discovered is stunningly similar to Richard Epstein in appearance and demeanor.
* * *
The story of a Guinean migrant who was sold into slavery, only to escape and become an IDF officer.
Senator Harry Reid's decision to bring the Paul Ryan budget to a vote continues to look better and better, as it iswrecking wreaking havoc with the Senate GOP caucus.
I, too, am baffled by Jon Hunstman's (former governor of Utah and ambassador to China) decision to run for President next year. I think he'd be quite formidable in 2016, or 2012 if he manages to get through the primary, but ... yeah. He's not getting through the primary.
Expanding college opportunities to inmates would be a good thing.
The CUNY board of trustees has blocked an award to Tony Kushner on account of allegedly anti-Israel statements. Kushner responds here. Jeffrey Goldberg adds his contempt for this decision.
Donniel Hartman calls on AIPAC and J Street to end the beef.
BONUS: "As Mark squirmed into his cocoon, he thought of the many long-haired and bearded men whom he had defeated via fisticuffs over the years. But little did he know that he would soon be facing his greatest nemesis ever: Jesus Christ."
* * *
The story of a Guinean migrant who was sold into slavery, only to escape and become an IDF officer.
Senator Harry Reid's decision to bring the Paul Ryan budget to a vote continues to look better and better, as it is
I, too, am baffled by Jon Hunstman's (former governor of Utah and ambassador to China) decision to run for President next year. I think he'd be quite formidable in 2016, or 2012 if he manages to get through the primary, but ... yeah. He's not getting through the primary.
Expanding college opportunities to inmates would be a good thing.
The CUNY board of trustees has blocked an award to Tony Kushner on account of allegedly anti-Israel statements. Kushner responds here. Jeffrey Goldberg adds his contempt for this decision.
Donniel Hartman calls on AIPAC and J Street to end the beef.
BONUS: "As Mark squirmed into his cocoon, he thought of the many long-haired and bearded men whom he had defeated via fisticuffs over the years. But little did he know that he would soon be facing his greatest nemesis ever: Jesus Christ."
Labels:
AIPAC,
budget,
College,
election 2012,
Guinea,
Harry Reid,
Israel,
J Street,
Jon Huntsman,
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prison,
Roundup,
slavery
Wednesday, May 04, 2011
Don't You Want Me as Your Friend?
Recently, former Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee (R) delivered a speech where he analogized failure to confront the mounting national debt to failing to intervene in the Holocaust. The ADL took exception, and Huckabee responded with the empathy and sensitivity that makes him so beloved in the Jewish community (via):
Unbelievably, the ADL -- apparently having exhausted its spine quotient for the week -- capitulated entirely to Huckabee's bullying.
So putting the ever-more useless ADL aside, let's just focus on Huckabee's response to what is, by all accounts, an incredibly insensitive analogy. He basically lectures Jews on how we need every "friend" we can get -- regardless of whether they listen to us, respect us, or respond to our legitimate concerns. "Friendship" means we just accept whatever Mike Huckabee does, because he's a "friend".
Yeah, remember that thing about how we get to decide who our friends are? This is why that's so important. Mike Huckabee's positions overlap with those of the broader American Jewish community approximately 0% of the time. His support of a one-state solution makes him more of an ally to Hamas than Israel, and his apparent support for expelling Palestinians from the West Bank is "pro-Israel" only in the sense that most supporters of Israel desire ethnic cleansing (hint: they don't). Domestically, of course, Huckabee wants to "reclaim America for Christ" and adopts positions abhorrent to the Jewish community's generally liberal bent. And then we have this.
What exactly is Mike Huckabee's "friendship" giving me that's so important such that I should be forced to accept this tongue-lashing lecture because we don't like him casually flinging the Holocaust out in his speeches? Precisely nothing, that's what.
Governor Mike Huckabee said today, that the demand of ADL (Anti Defamation League) Director Abraham Foxman to apologize for his comments regarding the Holocaust were uninformed and misguided and called upon Foxman to apologize to him and retract his totally inappropriate and reckless attack issued recently.
Huckabee said, "Foxman could have done even a tiny bit of fact-checking and discovered what most people in the Israel and American Jewish community know quite well, that Israel and the Jewish people have no stronger advocate than Mike Huckabee. And to confirm that, they could start by actually listening to what I said, which is a strong affirmation of the Jewish people
"I have traveled to Israel numerous times since 1973, have spoken at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem, met with several Prime Ministers and Presidents of Israel over the years, testified in committee hearing at the Knesset and have taken numerous groups and hundreds of visitors to Israel. I have been steadfast in my support not only of the Jewish people, but of my solemn remembrance of the horrors inflicted upon the Jews during the Holocaust and the need for all people of the world to stand with Israel for the right to their indigenous homeland with secure borders and sovereign control," Huckabee said.
"Foxman's remarks are not only factually wrong, but they are hurtful to me personally in light of my unequalled friendship with members of the Jewish community, and I ask Foxman to retract his statement as publicly as he issued it, and apologize for his lack of accuracy in issuing it and for the harm done by attacking the very strongest advocates for the Jewish people and Israel.
"Israel and Jewish people need to make friends, not insult the ones they have" said Huckabee. "Fortunately, Foxman doesn't represent the vast majority of well-informed friends I have in the Jewish community," he added.
Unbelievably, the ADL -- apparently having exhausted its spine quotient for the week -- capitulated entirely to Huckabee's bullying.
So putting the ever-more useless ADL aside, let's just focus on Huckabee's response to what is, by all accounts, an incredibly insensitive analogy. He basically lectures Jews on how we need every "friend" we can get -- regardless of whether they listen to us, respect us, or respond to our legitimate concerns. "Friendship" means we just accept whatever Mike Huckabee does, because he's a "friend".
Yeah, remember that thing about how we get to decide who our friends are? This is why that's so important. Mike Huckabee's positions overlap with those of the broader American Jewish community approximately 0% of the time. His support of a one-state solution makes him more of an ally to Hamas than Israel, and his apparent support for expelling Palestinians from the West Bank is "pro-Israel" only in the sense that most supporters of Israel desire ethnic cleansing (hint: they don't). Domestically, of course, Huckabee wants to "reclaim America for Christ" and adopts positions abhorrent to the Jewish community's generally liberal bent. And then we have this.
What exactly is Mike Huckabee's "friendship" giving me that's so important such that I should be forced to accept this tongue-lashing lecture because we don't like him casually flinging the Holocaust out in his speeches? Precisely nothing, that's what.
No Cheers
The U.S. Supreme Court turned away an appeal by a high school cheerleader who was kicked off the squad after refusing to cheer for the player who raped him (the student plead guilty to a lesser charge). She claimed the school was violating her free speech rights; a lower court had turned aside this argument (and deemed it sufficiently frivolous to require her to reimburse the school for its expenses).
The thing is, on the legal merits I'm inclined to think this is the right decision. A cheerleader acts as a mouthpiece for the school -- that's her job -- and it makes sense that she can be compelled to speak the message the school wants sent (cheering for the players).
Nonetheless, if I were on the Supreme Court, I'd be inclined to write an opinion concurring in the denial of cert, saying something like:
Something like that, anyway.
The thing is, on the legal merits I'm inclined to think this is the right decision. A cheerleader acts as a mouthpiece for the school -- that's her job -- and it makes sense that she can be compelled to speak the message the school wants sent (cheering for the players).
Nonetheless, if I were on the Supreme Court, I'd be inclined to write an opinion concurring in the denial of cert, saying something like:
It is well-established that a denial of certiorari entails no judgment on the merits of the case. It should also be established that such a denial entails no judgment on the merits of the underlying conduct. The constitution permits people, as well as government agencies, to be stupid, foolish, irresponsible, insensitive, or flat-out jerks. The type of moral judgment that impels one to kick out a cheerleader because she refused to cheer on a man who was convicted of assaulting her is the sort that makes one shudder to think these officials are in charge of crafting any sort of educational policy whatsoever. Unfortunately, we lack the authority to order the officials to develop basic human empathy, and ultimately those sorts of failures often lie beyond the capacity of law to remedy.
Something like that, anyway.
Tuesday, May 03, 2011
How Many Gay People Must God Create Before We Accept God Wants Them Around?
This is from Minnesota State Rep. Steve Hopkins (DFL), speaking against a proposed constitutional amendment banning gay marriage. And Rep. Simon also says -- and it needs to be said -- that the children and grandchildren of those who vote for this amendment will "justifiably" be ashamed of it.
Slaves to Fashion
Follow this -- Norwegian heavy metal band "Slaves to Fashion" discovers a professor already wrote a book with the same title (about sweatshop labor). Embarrassed, they offered to make amends -- by writing a song about the book. Slaves to Fashion is now preparing to release "Slaves to Fashion" about Slaves to Fashion.
Birthing a Reality-Based Community
Hey -- looks like the release of Obama's long-form birth certificate did have an impact on birther tendencies. The percentage of Americans who think President Obama was born in the US has moved up 12 points -- from 55% to 67%. And now a full 45 percent of Republicans are convinced of Obama's American provenance. Why, that's almost a majority! And it only took another heaping dose of incontrovertible evidence debunking a conspiracy theory that should rank right up there with "the Israelis destroyed the Twin Towers" and "the Moon Landing was faked," too.
Labels:
Barack Obama,
conspiracy theories,
polls,
Republicans
There's Rape and Then There's Rape (Part II)
Remember when House Republicans were trying to draw distinctions in abortion coverage between "real" ("forcible") rape, and other forms of rape (such as statutory rape)? They had dropped it under massive public criticism, but now it looks like it's sneaking its way back. While the specific language was deleted, Republican Congressmen are trying to build a legislative trail to interpret the relevant provision as barring abortion coverage for statutory rapes. At times the euphemize it ("abortion based solely on the youth of the mother"), but elsewhere they're quite explicit (the bill will "not allow the Federal Government to subsidize abortions in cases of statutory rape.").
Incidentally, didn't I recall a campaign by pro-life organizations to send underage girls to abortion clinics, in order to expose what they claimed was a cavalier attitude by the clinics towards statutory rape? As I recall it, those groups claimed that the "youth of the mother" was on its own sufficient to declare the clinics soft on rape. My how times change.
Incidentally, didn't I recall a campaign by pro-life organizations to send underage girls to abortion clinics, in order to expose what they claimed was a cavalier attitude by the clinics towards statutory rape? As I recall it, those groups claimed that the "youth of the mother" was on its own sufficient to declare the clinics soft on rape. My how times change.
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